Posts tagged ‘revolution’

Mark Kessler – The “Screw” Turns – Part 3

Mark Kessler – The “Screw” Turns
Part 3

Kessler bird

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
December 11, 2014


On December 2, 2014, Chief Mark Kessler came “out of the closet” as an FBI informant, or infiltrator. His exact status with the FBI is uncertain, though there is little doubt that he is cooperating with them to expose patriots to criminal prosecution, even to the point of entrapment.

He, at one point, claimed that he had gone to Langley, Virginia, to offer his services to the government. If true, it should be noted that Langley is where the CIA is located, and domestic involvement by the CIA is forbidden. However, it does appear that he did “hook up” with the FBI, though it is headquartered in Washington, D.C.

When Kessler started the CSF (Constitution Security Force), he had copies of all applications sent to him. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people gave pertinent information to Kessler, as they believed that as leader of this organization, Kessler would be a source of defense against government encroachment upon constitutional rights.

As explained previously, with the exception of obtaining copies of applications, Kessler did little more than simply solicit membership — he never really involved himself in the workings of CSF, nor did he propose a plan of action.

Due to lack of support from Kessler, some of the CSF groups simply dissolved, while others restructured themselves, often with minor name changes. The Georgia CSF renamed itself the “Georgia Security Force” (GSF) and adopted the “Soldier’s Code of Conduct”, the backbone Army personnel conduct, for decades.

Article I
I am an American fighting man, fighting in the forces which guard our country and our way of life. I am prepared to give my life in their defense.

Article II
I will never surrender of my own free will. If in command, I will never surrender the members of my command while they still have the means to resist.

Article III
If I am captured I will continue to resist by all means available. I will make every effort to escape and aid others to escape. I will accept neither parole nor special favors from the enemy.

Article IV
If I become a prisoner of war, I will keep faith with my fellow prisoners. I will give no information nor take part in any action which might be harmful to my comrades. If I am senior, I will take command. If not, I will obey the lawful orders of those appointed over me and will back them up in every way.

Article V
When questioned, should I become a prisoner of war, I am required to give name, rank, service number, and date of birth. I will evade answering further questions to the utmost of my ability. I will make no oral or written statements disloyal to my country and its allies or harmful to their cause.

Article VI
I will never forget that I am an American, fighting for freedom, responsible for my actions, and dedicated to the principles which made my country free. I will trust in my God and in the United States of America.

Kessler’s next step was the seemingly more formidable organization, III% BOG (Boots on Ground), which had a more suggestive name, III% meaning those who will fight, and BOG, implying active duty in combat territory. Again, he obtained all applications, and did little to communicate or provide direction, except, when he saw potential groups or individuals that might be a bit more serious, with regard to acting in opposition to government activities (See The Other (not so) Thin Line). One of these was the XXX Minuteman Militia, based in Georgia, with supporters in other states.

Nearly every person who joined the III% BOG completed and sent to Kessler an application, sufficient in detail to positively identify hundreds, perhaps thousands, who joined his organization. The information requested is far more extensive than you would fill out for a job, and includes questions that are appropriate for psychological evaluation, or, profiling.

One of the key players in Georgia goes by the moniker “blood agent” (Source “BA” – as he asked to be referred to during our interview). He felt that Kessler could send people in his direction, as he and Kessler spoke frequently. In early 2014, Kessler appointed him national commander of all CSF groups. This was done since Kessler was more concerned with getting a reality TV show than working with the organization he had begun.

The Set Up

In January 2014, in online discussions, Williamson, Cannon, and Peace (the Trio) discussed preparations for a “guerilla warfare” operation targeting “TSA, DHS, non-emergency FEMA, road blocks, etc.” It is apparent, here, that the targets were government agencies acting in the capacity of a police state. Note that only “non-emergency FEMA” is mentioned, to exclude those portions of FEMA that actually provide assistance during disasters, rather than targeting patriots.

In early February 2014, a conversation took place in an online chat at the “Blood and Scorched Earth” Facebook (FB) page. Participating was an informant known as CHS-1 (TS), using the Thomas Short FB account, along with Cannon, using his own account, and Williamson, using his own account. A meeting was arranged to take place on February 5, in Memphis, Tennessee. TS advised that he might be late for the meeting, due to weather. Cannon advised that an “anonymous friend” would be providing funding.

On February 5, TS was not present for the meeting, so the Trio left and returned to Georgia, then arranged to get back with TS via another means of communication.

Note that the Affidavit shows that Cannon’s phone was traced through cell towers from Memphis, Tennessee to Rome, Georgia, on that date – be advised. Note, also, that Thomas Short was named in the Search Warrant to Facebook for records (April 1), though he was not named in the Criminal Complaint, filed on February 28. This would suggest that Thomas Short is CHS-1, or someone acting as Thomas Short was CHS-1. Thomas Short, from Pennsylvania, was mentioned by two of the people who were interviewed for this article.

Later that day, arrangements were made to utilize a free, secure, chat site,, to continue discussing the operation. That discussion was attended by TS, “Chief” (probably Kessler), and another, unnamed. Since Peace had requested the password, it was most likely him. The chats were captured for evidence.

Note that those interviewed for this article made clear that Kessler always wanted to be referred to as “Chief”.

The only reported conversation from that chat came from “Chief”:

“We will be using Guerrilla style warfare tactics. I have been arguing with myself on what level of violence or what level of damage is acceptable. I do not want to kill or injure fellow Americans. So, at least for the guys with me we will restrain the violence toward people and target infrastructure. Then respond to violence with reciprocal violence.”

“The group with me will move first mainly to make a point. I stand by what I say. The other groups should start within the next 24 – 48 hours in order to keep the operational tempo up so that when one unit is done another is hitting nonstop. As soon as we complete mission one, we will relocate and start mission 2 then 3, until all is done.”

“We will get a post up after we complete our mission, then you will know the clock is started.” (Possibly suggestive that a number of teams were ready to jump in and begin a revolution.)

The affidavit reports that Chief talked about training, attacking small targets first, and then escalating to larger targets. Chief then described infrastructures as government vehicles, buildings, power, and communication… “If we can get decent intelligence could be obtained on roadblocks or VIPR, etc, then we go after them with the understanding it would be violent.” (VIPR is a TSA acronym for Visual Intermodal Protection and Response.)

Note that advocacy of violence came from “Chief”, not from Peace. The Trio had discussed targeting “infrastructure” and “TSA, DHS, non-emergency FEMA, road blocks.” It also appears that “Chief” was in a position to speak for a national, rather than local, participation.

On February 6, in an online chat, TS and Williamson discussed the need for ammunition and explosives. TS agreed to check with his “contact” to see what he could do to provide the necessary supplies.

On February 8, in a recorded telephone conversation, TS and Peace discussed what supplies were needed. The affidavit does not provide insight into what the wish list was. The only specific item discussed was “a thermite charge to go through the engine block of an MRAP” (Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle). In that same phone conversation, Peace asks, in addition to the thermite, for 12 pipe bombs.

Also on February 8, a new “confidential human source”, CHS-2, has an unrecorded conversation with Cannon. In that conversation, Cannon states that they wanted to “start the fight” with the government by strategically planning to sabotage power grids, transfer stations, and water treatment facilities, with the intention of forcing the government into declaring martial law. This would put the patriots on the offensive rather than the defensive.

On February 9, TS calls Peace and advises him that the items can be produced, though it will take a few days. The meeting, to secure the items, would be held in Tennessee.

On Tuesday, February 11, BA received a call from Cannon, informing him that the revolution was going to begin in a few days, explaining, also, what would be occurring. Cannon also asked for Kessler’s phone number, which BA gave to him. BA then called Kessler and gave him all of the information that Cannon had just given him. Kessler responded, “I’ll take care of it.” He did not query BA over any details, nor was there anything that would indicate that Kessler was not already privy to what was going on. BA is of the firm belief, after reading the affidavits, that the “Chief” is Kessler.

On Saturday, February 15, the FBI visited BA and questioned him about what he had told Kessler. The told him that their concern was “protecting innocent lives”. He complied and answered their questions. He has stated that he will never talk to the FBI again, and that he will keep any concerns that he has within the patriot community.

Note that this is the first time that “innocent lives” has come up in any of the discussions. Perhaps a “warm and Fuzzy” to induce BA to cooperate.

Also, on February 15, TS advised Cannon that the items requested were available. After some discussion, it was decided that the items would be delivered in Cartersville, Georgia. TS met the Trio in Cartersville and provided the two thermite grenades. TS then went back to retrieve the remaining items.

Then, in an FBI-led operation that included FBI SWAT and the police departments of Rome, Floyd County, and Bartow County, raided 22 Tumlin Drive, Cartersville, Georgia and arrested Terry Eugene Peace, 45, Brian Edward Cannon, 36, and Cory Robertson Williamson, 28, charging them with receiving unlicensed explosive devices.


Much of the information used in developing this article came from an “Affidavit For Search Warrant“, filed on April 1, 2014, to secure a warrant for Facebook to provide information from their data to verify the various chats, PMs and other information stored in their database. Be advised that anything you say, or do, on Facebook, is retained and will be made available to the government.

Additional information was obtained from an Affidavit attached to the “Criminal Complaint“, also filed on April 1. It is rather interesting that the Affidavits were filed over a month after the arrests. Normally, a Criminal Complaint is the basis for the Arrest Warrant.

Other sources, who have asked for confidentiality, have provided information to fill in some of the details regarding Kessler’s escapades as an infiltrator, or, more likely, a provocateur.


Mark Kessler – A Checkered Past – Part 1

Mark Kessler – Recent Past – Part 2

Mark Kessler – Coming Out of the Closet – Part 4


Camp Lone Star – Massey & The Clash of Laws

Camp Lone Star – Massey & The Clash of Laws

Clash of Laws

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
October 27, 2014


K. C. Massey was in the area when a shooting occurred that brought numbers of Border Protection Service (BPS) agents, and Cameron County Sheriff Investigator Sergio Padilla, to the scene. The BPS agents asked that the weapons of all three individuals be turned over to BPS for reasons of safety (Explained in Massey’s account of incident). They were then turned over to Padilla, though at no time was Massey read Miranda rights, nor was the transfer of the weapons voluntary. It was simply done because they were agents, with guns, and in the principle of “discretion being the better part of valor”, they relinquished the weapons.

Those weapons then became the object of a Criminal Complaint, charging Massey and John Foerster (See Camp Lone Star – Update #1 on K. C. Massey) with felony possession of a firearm, based on 18 U. S. Code § 922 (g)(1).

Federal Authority and limitations

The theory behind laws, and the application of law, including ambiguity of the word, intent of the law, and misapplication of those laws is addressed in “No bended knee for me” – the Charge against Robert Beecher (for those interested in that aspect of persecution), however, the purpose of this article is to discuss what might be termed “the clash of laws” between the United States and Texas, under a Republican Form of Government (Art. IV, § 4 of the Constitution, as a member state of the Union of these United States (yes, the plural is intended).

To understand this clash, we must first look at the powers granted to, and the limitations imposed upon, on the federal government, by the Constitution.

First, there is the inevitable, and truly sacred, Second Amendment.

“A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”

Now, that reference to “free State” applies only to the states, not to the federal government, since the existence of a federal militia was never addressed in the Constitution, only the authority to call forth the militia. The first reference to what might be considered a federal militia occurred in 1916 with the enactment of law embodied in 10 U.S.C. § 311 (See A United States Militia). So, the Constitutional references to militia and bearing arms are contained in that Second Amendment and the following provisions in the Constitution”

Article I, § 8, clause 15: To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

Article I, § 8, clause 16: To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

So, Congress can call forth the Militia, which they could not “call” if they were already under federal authority, and next, they recognize that “Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States”. Leaving, of course, officers and training, to the “parent” of the militia, the States.

The only other provision is found in Article II, § 2, which reads,

“The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States…”

This makes clear that the Militia belong to the States, not to the federal government, except when called into service. Now, the only mention of “arms” is associated with that militia in the Second Amendment, which links any firearms laws only to the authority to the states (we will go further on this subject, later). The only applicability to federal authority, or should we say, prohibition, is that “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” It appears that it wasn’t until the 1930s when the government first crossed that line drawn by the Constitution, and has continued to expand overarching authority into those Constitutionally prohibited realms, since that time (See The Three Constitutions – Which One do You Defend).

There is one more concern regarding federal authority that must be addressed, before we get to the heart of the matter. That is the authority granted regarding Commerce, Article I, § 8, clause 3, says,

“The Congress shall have Power… To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.”

It does not grant any power within the states, only “among the several States”. That is interstate, not intrastate, commerce.

Then, we have the only other “commerce” provision in Article I, § 9, clause 6:

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.”

Now, you need to keep these points in mind as we continue down a path of discovery — to determine what We, not the government, see as the powers granted and limitations imposed.

Possession of a Firearm by a Convicted Felon (Federal)

The only charge against Massey, according to the Criminal Complaint, is a violation of 18 USC §922(g)(1) (the full text of §922(g) at 18 USC 922). The pertinent part is as follows:

(g) It shall be unlawful for any person –

(1) who has been convicted in any court of, a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year;

to ship or transport in interstate or foreign commerce, or possess in or affecting commerce, any firearm or ammunition; or to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce.

So, let’s look at the obvious intent of the law. First, “It shall be unlawful“, well, no problem with that.

Next, if that person “has been convicted in any court of, a crime punishable by imprisonment for a term exceeding one year.” Let’s assume for the sake of discussion, that that criterion has been met — that Massey has such a criminal record. So, now we move on to the third portion of the Statute.

It is unlawful “to ship or transport in interstate… commerce“. Now, this next phrase is rather interesting. “Possess” means “To occupy in person; to have in one’s actual and physical control“. So this must mean that you have in your control the firearm when you affect the commerce. The possession must be done while participating in or affecting that commerce. Finally, “to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate commerce.” Well, that last one surely must be the direct recipient, the addressee – to “receive”, as opposed to “possess”. For if that were the case, it would read, “to possess any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate commerce.

So, let’s revisit what we said about Commerce. “No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue… one State over those of another.” However, if we consider the implications of the law, if you live in a state that manufactures a firearm, then you can posses it, as it has not been involved in interstate commerce. However, if you have ammunition that was manufactured in another state, then you are guilty because of the ammunition. If you live in a state that manufactures both weapons and ammunition, you can posses those “firearms” and ammunition. However, if you live in a state that manufactures one, the other, or neither, then you may have but one, or none. That seems to give Preference to one state over another.

Further, this absolutely defies the concept of equal justice; it would defy the concept of Article IV, § 2, which states, “The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all of the Privileges and Immunities of the Citizens of the several States.” And, it would mean that if one moved to another state, with what was legal, from the federal standpoint, in the state from which he began, he would criminal in the other state.


Texas Possession Laws

So, let’s see what Texas has to say about a convicted felon possessing a firearm. The applicable law is found in Texas Penal Code, Section 46.04. The pertinent part is as follows:

(a) A person who has been convicted of a felony commits an offense if he possesses a firearm:

(1) after conviction and before the fifth anniversary of the person’s release from confinement following conviction of the felony or the person’s release from supervision under community supervision, parole, or mandatory supervision, whichever date is later; or

(2) after the period described by Subdivision (1), at any location other than.

(f) For the purposes of this section, an offense under the laws of this state, another state, or the United States…

So, if one is convicted of a qualifying felony, after he has served his time gone through post conviction service, the clock starts. After five years, he cannot possess weapons, except at “the premises at which the person lives.” Now, premises, in legal terminology, is the house, outbuildings and land. This is to afford protection — once the five years has expired. It does not say house, it includes his whole dominion. He can protect his property.

Now, a question arises as to if he relocates, and lives elsewhere. In Massey’s case, he has lived at Camp Lone Star for four months. The land is owned by “Rusty” Monsees, and the camp is located on his property, with his consent. That is where he lives, so the premises, though not owned by him, is the premises that are applicable in the statute. He encountered the BPS on those premises, so he had every legal right to possess the weapons, under state law.

When he was arrested, he was in a motel room, where he lived the night before he was arrested. This may be a gray area, though it seems that since he lived in that motel room, that night, and that the obvious purpose of the law is for personal protection, that he would still be legal, under state law. The alternative would have been to either secure his firearms in his truck, or to leave them unattended at Camp Lone Star. Though this may be debatable, if we look at intent, it is probable. If not, the only violation, under state law, might be him having his weapons in the motel room. However, he was not charged with that. The initial charge came when he surrendered his weapons, without Miranda, while still fully in compliance with Texas law. The Complaint was based upon his lawful (state law) possession. The Complaint led to the arrest, which might be the only exception to state law. However, the Complaint, itself, admits to “forbidden fruit”.

So, where do we go, next?

Collision of Laws

Recently, Washington state and Colorado enact laws legalizing marijuana. Shortly thereafter, the Department of Justice announced that they were going to suspend prosecution of federal marijuana laws in those two states. Shall we ponder their reasoning for making such a decision?

Let’s suppose that state law says you can posses marijuana, and federal law says that you cannot. To begin to understand this, and the subsequent discussion, perhaps we need to interrupt, for a minute, and understand what James Madison told us in Federalist Papers #62:

It poisons the blessing of liberty itself. It will be of little avail to the people, that the laws are made by men of their own choice, if the laws be so voluminous that they cannot be read, or so incoherent that they cannot be understood; if they be repealed or revised before they are promulgated, or undergo such incessant changes that no man, who knows what the law is today, can guess what it will be tomorrow. Law is defined to be a rule of action; but how can that be a rule, which is little known, and less fixed?

So, law is “a rule of action”, or, perhaps, a prohibition. But, it is there to guide us in remaining within the boundaries of law, or suffering the consequences of deviation from the law.

So, if marijuana is legal in Colorado, and criminal by federal law, which “rule of action” are we bound by? Well, the government did not want to face the consequences of a legal challenge to their presumed superiority of their laws over the state’s laws. Let’s look at Article IV, § 4, of the Constitution:

“The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.”

So, we have the only “guarantee” in the Constitution, and that is that we have a “Republican Form of Government”. That guarantee is that so long as the state does not enact a law in violation of the Constitution, they have every right to enact any other law — such as the marijuana law. Gee, it also provides that the government “shall protect… them against Invasion”. Golly, gee, isn’t that what K. C. Massey and Camp Lone Star were doing, since the government was having so much trouble fulfilling this obligation?

However, the marijuana laws are the “Conflict of Laws”, and, perhaps, the felony possession laws are also a Conflict of Laws. After all, the same dilemma arises. Can K. C. Massey possess firearms, so long as he does so in compliance with Texas Law, under their Republican Form of Government? Or, is he bound by federal law that depends so much on the Commerce provisions of the Constitution?

Let’s look at what the United States Supreme Court said about the extent of authority granted by the commerce clause. The case is United States v Lopez 514 US 549 (1995).

The federal government had enacted the “Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990”, which forbids “any individual knowingly to possess a firearm at a place that [he] knows . . . is a school zone.” The District Court denied Lopez, as they claimed that the law was “a constitutional exercise of Congress’ power to regulate activities in and affecting commerce.”

That decision was appealed to the Appellate Court, who then reversed the lower court decisions, when Chief Justice Rehnquist said,


The Act exceeds Congress’ Commerce Clause authority. First, although this Court has upheld a wide variety of congressional Acts regulating intrastate economic activity that substantially affected interstate commerce, the possession of a gun in a local school zone is in no sense an economic activity that might, through repetition elsewhere, have such a substantial effect on interstate commerce. Section 922(q) is a criminal statute [as is the charge against Massey] that by its terms has nothing to do with “commerce” or any sort of economic enterprise, however broadly those terms are defined… Second, 922(q) contains no jurisdictional element which would ensure, through case-by-case inquiry, that the firearms possession in question has the requisite… nexus with interstate commerce. Respondent was a local student at a local school; there is no indication that he had recently moved in interstate commerce, and there is no requirement that his possession of the firearm have any concrete tie to interstate commerce. To uphold the Government’s contention that 922(q) is justified because firearms possession in a local school zone does indeed substantially affect interstate commerce would require this Court to pile inference upon inference in a manner that would bid fair to convert congressional Commerce Clause authority to a general police power of the sort held only by the States.

In a Certiorari to the Supreme Court, the case was heard. Chief Justice Rehnquist delivered the opinion of the Court. After a lengthy discussion, affirming most of what the Appellate Court had said in their decision, and extending even further into limitations of federal authority, the Decision concludes, “For the foregoing reasons the judgment of the Court of Appeals is Affirmed.

So, the Supreme Court, back in 1995, imposed a limitation of authority on the federal government, regarding the utilization of the Commerce Clause beyond its Constitutional intent. And, the law that was overturned, 18 U. S. Code Section 922(q), a part of the same statute that is being used against Massey, requires that there be an economic nexus to commerce for a law to be valid.

The first portion of this article explains the wording of the law, (922 (g)(1), and how it is clearly tied to commerce. Whether it was rewritten after the Lopez decision, or not, it must have the nexus to commerce. If the ownership of the gun by Lopez does not have that nexus, how, possibly, can the ownership by Massey have what the other did not?

Commerce begins when somebody “ships” something in interstate commerce. It continues when someone “transports” something interstate commerce. It finally ends when someone “receives” something that has been sent and transported. At that point, the nexus to commerce ceases, and we are back to “Equal Protection under the Law”, where the state that you live in is the authority as to whether you can posses guns or ammunition.

The final point to be made on this subject is the fact that the state of Texas has three branches of government. They have, like every other state, a Legislative, and Executive, and a Judicial branch. The Judicial, of course, is to render justice. The Legislative, to enact laws, under its “Republican Form of Government”, and the Executive to sign such enactments into law, and enforce them.

If what the federal government implies to be true by their persecution of K. C. Massey is true, then there is no need for the three branches of the government of Texas to exist. On the other hand, the government of Texas should take a more aggressive role, as the Supreme Court did, in limiting the overbearing and abused authority of the federal law enforcement agencies.

Let me repeat two quotations from the above. First is by Chief Justice Rehnquist in the Lopez decision, the second, my observation, from over twenty years of reporting to the Patriot community, on the ramifications and consequences of the current round of persecutions by the federal government, contrary to the state’s constitutions and laws:

  • To uphold the Government’s contention that 922(q) is justified because firearms possession in a local school zone does indeed substantially affect interstate commerce would require this Court to pile inference upon inference in a manner that would bid fair to convert congressional Commerce Clause authority to a general police power of the sort held only by the States.
  • If what the federal government implies to be true by their persecution of K. C. Massey is true, then there is no need for the three branches of the government of Texas to exist.

Therefore, We must ask ourselves whether the people are here to serve the government, or, is the government here to serve the people? If the former, then we acquiesce to a condition of servitude. If the latter, then we must, in the Court of Public Opinion, rise above the government, and force them back to the limitations imposed on them by the Constitution, by whatever means necessary.


Related articles:

Camp Lone Star – The Arrest of K. C. Massey

Camp Lone Star – Update #1 on K. C. Massey

Camp Lone Star – Search Warrant or Fishing license?

Camp Lone Star – Cruel and Unusual Punishments – Before Conviction

Camp Lone Star – Arbitrary & Capricious Justice?

Liberty or Laws? “Felon in Possession of a Firearm” is Not Legal or Lawful

Liberty or Laws? — Treason Against the State

Liberty or Laws?
Treason Against the State

gov const balance

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
July 24, 2014

Discussions regarding Treason are a common subject in the patriot community. Most often, if not always, they refer to the provision in the Constitution that defines Treason against the United States, specifically, Article III, §3:

Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

This requires a specific act, not a general presumption. It also requires either “levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.” Now, there has not been any “levying War” against them since World War II. Nor, surprisingly, have we (The United States) had any “Enemies” since then.

The matter of enemies came up in a Supreme Court decision (Ex Parte Quirin, 317 U.S. 1) in that era when German soldiers, dressed in civilian clothes, came ashore and plotted to destroy infrastructure. In the Court establishing jurisdiction, they made clear that Congress had, in fact, declared war against Germany. This made Quirin and the other defendants “Enemies”. However, these elements only apply to the federal government, as the Constitution is the document that created that body. Treason then, according to the Constitution, only applies to enemies of the government created thereby.

However, as in the previous articles dealing with repelling invasion (Militia in Defense of the State) and militia (Militia in Aid of Our Neighbor), we must look in a different direction than just the federal Constitution.

In October 1776, Connecticut passed “An Act for the Punishment of High Treason and other atrocious Crimes against the State. It read, in part,

That if any person or persons belonging to or residing within this state and under the protection of its laws, shall levy war against the state or government thereof, or knowingly and willingly shall aid or assist any enemies at open war against this state or the United States of America by joining their armies or by enlisting or procuring or persuading others to enlist for that purpose or shall form or be in any way concerned in forming any combination, plot, or conspiracy for betraying this state or the United States into the hands or power of any foreign enemy, or shall give or attempt to give or send any intelligence to the enemies of this state for that purpose, upon being convicted shall suffer death.”

Even though the Constitution was over a decade into the future, the separation/distinction between Connecticut state government and the national government was clearly expressed. One could commit Treason against Connecticut and not commit Treason against the United States, and vice-versa. Is it also possible that “the United States of America” could commit Treason against Connecticut, or vice-versa? After all, this enactment was to make criminal the support of the British government that had just been ousted.

The defining aspects of Treason, under this act, are far more extensive than those in the Constitution, and the requirement for two witnesses to the act, or “Confession”, are not imposed upon the need for conviction.

Had the United States of America, after that enactment favored the British, then Connecticut was totally within her authority to levy charges anyone from the United States of America with Treason. So, we have the same layering of jurisdiction on Treason that we have for the militia and repelling invasion. Since Connecticut was, in a sense, a lesser player (subordinate to the Continental Congress), and still had the authority to charge those above with Treason, if they committed the acts described, then we must also assume that the authority for such has come from the people of Connecticut, as they created the government of their choosing.

Of course, the consequence of charges of Treason against employees or agents of the federal government is grounds for potential armed conflict, unless handled politically, it is, surely, a possibility, should the federal government be determined to be aiding an enemy of a State. The State, however, does not have the requirement for Declaration of War by the Congress as a part of its limitations. Its perception of “enemy” does not fall within the constraints and limitations imposed upon the federal government. Nor, should the people of a state be required to abide by those constraints to determine whether someone is guilty of Treason. Our effort is not to arrest and try them. It is to understand the perspective of those who have seen so many violations of not only the federal Constitution, but the constitution of their own state.

For a more thorough understanding of the relationship between the people of any government, especially one such as ours, of the people, both state and federal, I would suggest an article on the subject, Sons of Liberty #14.

The final determination as to whether we have Liberty or are subject to laws foreign to our constitutions, resides wholly in our determination whether the governments are abiding by the documents that created them, or not.


Related articles:

Liberty or Laws? — Dealing with the Current Invasion

Liberty or Laws? — Militia in Defense of the State

Liberty or Laws? — Militia in Aid of Our Neighbor

Liberty or Laws? — Immigration or Invasion

Liberty or Laws? — Government and Patriots Aiding and Abetting Criminal Activity

Liberty or Laws? — … and jealously guard our Liberties

Liberty or Laws? – Appeasement

Liberty or Laws? Government Enforces Their Laws – Who Shall Enforce the Constitution?

Liberty or Laws? “Felon in Possession of a Firearm” is Not Legal or Lawful

Lessons of History #2 – What a pity it is that our soldiers are not as numerous as our officers.

Lessons of History #2

What a pity it is that our soldiers are not as numerous as our officers.

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
June 29, 2014

In January 1776, Colonel Henry Knox was returning to Boston with the cannon he had acquired from the British at Fort Ticonderoga. From the book, “Bunker Hill”, by Nathaniel Philbrick (pages 270-271):

That night in Westfield [Massachusetts] an appreciative crowd gathered around the twenty-five year old colonel [Knox] at the town’s inn. Many of the men were members of the Westfield militia and, like most town militias throughout New England, there were a disproportionate number of officers. This imbalance had made it necessary for Washington to reduce the officer corps in the Continental Army, a move that inevitably angered many former officers and contributed to the reenlistment crisis. Now in Westfield, as Knox was introduced to officer after officer, he could appreciate firsthand one of the many difficulties his commander in chief had been forced to confront while he had been overseeing the transportation of cannons from Fort Ticonderoga. Once the introductions had been completed in the Westfield tavern, Know smiled broadly and said, “What a pity it is that our soldiers are not as numerous as our officers.”

Lessons of History #1 – Maryland Resolves of 1774

Lessons of History #1

Maryland Resolves of 1774

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
June 19, 2014

On December 12, 1774 (four months before Lexington and Concord), the delegates from the various county Committees of Safety, ‘deputies’, met at Annapolis, Maryland. The following is from the report of their meeting, constituting an endorsement of the Association of the Continental Congress.

Though all of the Resolutions are significant, we might pay particular attention to the last Resolve. *

 AT A MEETING OF THE DEPUTIES appointed by the several counties of the province of Maryland, at the city of Annapolis, by adjournment, on the 8th day of December, 1774, and continued till the 12th day of the same month, were present, eighty-five members: Mr. John Hall in the chair, and Mr. John Duckett, clerk.

The proceedings of the Continental Congress were read, considered, and unanimously approved. Resolved, that every member of this convention will, and every person in the province ought strictly and inviolably to observe and carry into execution the association agreed on by the said Continental Congress.

* * *

* Resolved unanimously, that it is recommended to the several colonies and provinces to enter into such or the like resolutions, for mutual defense and protection, as are entered into by this province. As our opposition to the settled plan of the British administration to enslave America will be strengthened by a union of all ranks of men in this province, we do most earnestly recommend that all former differences about religion or politics, and all private animosities and quarrels of every kind, from henceforth cease and be forever buried in oblivion; and we entreat, we conjure every man by his duty to God, his country, and his posterity, cordially to unite in defense of our common rights and liberties.

Now that the events of April 12, 2014, have unfolded, and the relationships within the patriot community have hardened, we need to realize the necessity, as they did then, of putting aside all former differences about religion or politics, and all private animosities and quarrels of every kind, from henceforth cease and be forever buried in oblivion.”

The Passing of the Torch

The Passing of the Torch

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
June 11, 2001

This morning, a perversion of justice and the Constitution succeeded in taking the life of an American Patriot.  Timothy James McVeigh was executed, by lethal injection, in Terre Haute, Indiana.  His crime, say the courts, was the murder of federal agents.

McVeigh’s death might be more appropriately ascribed to the inability of the US government to function, in any judicial capacity, in a manner consistent with the authority granted government by the Constitution.

After a failure of the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution was created and adopted (ratified) to enable a new government, with more power in the exercise of government, but, with specific limitations established with regard to its jurisdiction, authority and imposing upon it an obligation to protect certain rights which had been deemed, by the Constitution and other founding documents, to have been granted to the People — by God.

In the matter of Jurisdiction, the Constitution clearly sets forth the ability of the federal government to extend “exclusive jurisdiction” over a few enumerated locations.  Even considering the expansion of those locations by the Northwest Ordinance, those limitations were upheld by the Supreme Court for many years.  Federal authority over the actions of individuals was extremely limited, and with few exceptions, existed only when authorized by Constitutional Amendment.  Hence the absence of federal statutes against assassination or murder, until recently.

Likewise, the jurisdiction of federal agencies was severally limited, and extended only to those cases that were well within the Interstate Commerce or other specific provisions.  The Supreme Court has struck down a number of laws, which, though they attempted to appeal to the interstate Commerce provision, were tied to the provision by such a stretch as to be deemed without Constitutional authority.  The striking down of the federal “gun free school zones” is an example of an unlawful presumption on the authority of the federal government.

Many federal agencies were created with a specific purpose.  For example, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (BATF) was instituted to act as a tax collection agency, under the Treasury Department.  Tax matters have always been considered, in this country, to be civil in nature, not criminal.

Within the Department of Justice, there was an agency created whose purpose was to investigate and aid in the prosecuting criminal activity.  The authority for it to “enforce” laws was written in to its directive in 1994, and is a gross violation of the intention of the Founders.  They had always sought a separation between force and civil authority.  Never had it been contemplated that an agency could use force without separate and distinct civil authority.  The Federal Bureau of Investigation was within that scope – until it began, even prior to its description being changed – enforcing, rather than simply investigating.

These two agencies came together, in 1993, in an attack on a religious group in Waco, Texas.  The incident began when the tax collection agency (BATF) entered upon lands recognized by McClellan County and the state of Texas, as a Church.  When they entered, they entered with guns drawn and with every intention of entering the Church through windows and doors, without obtaining the consent of the Pastor of that Church.  They also intended to shoot anyone who opposed that entry.  And, they succeeded in both.

After having four of their own killed (and killing seven of the Church members), they withdrew from their combat positions and regrouped, just a few hundred yards away from the Church – limiting access to only those deemed acceptable by the tax collection agency.

Soon, they were reinforced by the investigators.  Of course, they lied, but just a little bit, about what had occurred, so their bigger brother, the investigators, took family under wing and began an investigation, which resulted in an armed camp, much akin to a military installation, and a defensive perimeter (crime scene) larger than any before ever envisioned.

For fifty-one days, the tax collectors and investigators imposed every sort of mental anguish and abuse that they could concoct – upon the parishioners huddling, scared for their lives, inside of their flimsy Church.

During the course of the fifty-one day siege, the agencies, and their compatriots in Washington, D.C., began a campaign of deceit in an effort to demonize the pastor and his congregation – and, detract from an honest evaluation of the circumstance by both the public and the government.

However, the biggest problem was that for the near first time in the history of this country, the agencies, not the Congress or the President, determined what they would do, how they would do it and what the rules would be by which all would play.

Many people observed, first hand, the encampment of federal ‘soldiers’ just outside of a quiet Texas town.  They also observed the support troops, which had been deputized by the FBI to act as a perimeter guard to the ‘crime scene’.  These deputies, who had sworn to uphold the Constitution in the performance of their duties, had turned their backs on that oath, and blindly obeyed the unlawful orders given by this civilian agency with guns.  Timothy McVeigh was among those observers.

Timothy, like so many others around the country, had sought, by peaceful means, to bring about a return to Constitutional limitations of governmental authority.  After all, being a decorated veteran and hero of Desert Storm, Timothy had demonstrated his willingness to put his life on the line in defense of that Constitution.  He had no choice but to express his discontent with the government’s usurpation of authority by peaceful means.

Then, on April 19, 1993, as the world watched, a tragedy of epic proportions occurred in the area controlled, absolutely, by those federal agents.  Regardless of blame over who started the fire that consumed over eighty lives — men, women and children — the precautions which could have prevented the disaster, or, at least, minimized the degree of death and destruction, were none existent, and when offered by the local fire department were refused.  By any stretch of the imagination, this would be nothing less than gross negligence.  But, considering the obligation of the government to safeguard life and property, the failure to do so constitutes a far more serious breach of public trust than would at first be recognized.

As time went on, it became apparent that federal agents told lies to other federal agents, Congressional committees and the public.  Evidence was lost, misplaced, or hidden.  Eventually, in 1994, when those who had escaped with their lives stood trial, these same agents committed perjury.

Unlike the events in Boston, in 1770, the Boston Massacre, no government agents ever stood trial so that the People might judge whether they had violated the laws, or the Constitution.  Instead, their only judgment came from their superiors within their respective agencies – the same superiors who authorized these unlawful activities in the first place.

Complicit with these agents, the court gave instructions, which some of the jurors later complained of, left no alternative but to convict those Church members on trial, though the lowest possible ‘crime’ was the choice of the jurors who felt that if there was a crime, it was more technical than destructive.  The court became even more contemptuous when it imposed maximum sentences, and even came to some conclusions, which the jury had not, resulting in the judge increasing sentences to up to forty years for some of the defendants.

Many of the same observers of the events in Waco watched the judicial process to see if the government was, in the least, capable of applying justice to the matter, or whether it was more intent on preserving an air of respectability to the actions of the forces which had already decimated the Church to a handful of followers.

The conclusion, by those observers, which has been proven correct in the ensuing years, was that the government had determined that the government (king) could do no wrong.

As a result of the conviction of the Church members, the Constitutionalist community, throughout the country, became outraged.  Many advocates openly expressed their intentions to go to Washington and “hang the Congress from light posts.”  Others advocated blowing up government buildings, killing government agents and taking any action necessary to force the government back in to obedience to the Constitution.

Among all the words, however, only one man began planning an action consistent with the words of others.  He began traveling around the country, securing funding; expanding his knowledge of explosives, visiting potential targets, and preparing a plan of action that would come to fruition just two years, to the day after the destructive conclusion of the events at the little Church in Waco.

To carry out his plan, he realized that there was risk.  Government infiltration of Constitutionalist groups had probably reached epic proportions.  Whether Louis Beam’s “Leaderless Resistance” was a part of his study, or not, it was apparent that he recognized the risk of a broad base of support, so he settled on enlisting the help of two people who he had known for many years.

Had he sought a larger base of support, he might well have had the advantage of sophisticated explosives, timers, and delivery methods.  Instead, he opted for a homemade bomb, using the best materials readily available.

On April 19, 1995, Timothy James McVeigh completed the execution of his plan.  Though he had anticipated even less destruction than occurred, he was successful in bringing attention to his actions throughout the world.  He had little doubt, considering both the historical and recent attributes of the date that the reasoning behind the bombing would be obvious.  He was sure that government would understand his message, and, he was equally sure that he had just committed an act that consummated his status as an enemy of the US government.  He was, finally, involved in a war to restore Constitutional government to the United States of America.

– – – – – – –

In 1995, The Prosecuting Attorney and the Defense Attorney, in the United States vs. Timothy James McVeigh proceedings, formally agreed that ALL documents obtained by the government, regarding the investigation of the Oklahoma City Bombing, be provided to the Defense Team.  This agreement was affirmed and ordered by Judge Matsch, who was also the trial judge.  As a result of this agreement, a new database was set up to track all documents relating to the case.  Virtually every document relating to the investigation was to be logged into the database.

Early on, however, Defense Attorney Stephen Jones asked for documents that were referred to in other documents, but were not listed in the database.  Frequently, he was told that there were no other documents.  He had little choice but to proceed with what was available.

On May 9, 2001, just a few days before the scheduled execution of Timothy McVeigh, and after months of knowing of the existence of thousands of documents which had been excluded from the database, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (remember them from Waco?) went public with the fact that over three thousand documents had been ‘found’ that were not included in the database, nor were they provided to the Defense Team – in direct violation of the agreement, the order, and the law.

The next day, the Attorney General, John Ashcroft, stayed the execution of Timothy McVeigh until June 11, 2001.  This, he said, was sufficient time for the Defense Team to study all three thousand documents and conclude that there was nothing that would clear their client – who had, by the way, already “confessed to the crime”.

As time went on, the number of documents that had been excluded approached five thousand.  Many of them dealt with the possibility of witnesses to more than just McVeigh and his two army buddies, Michael Fortier and Terry Nichols.  Perhaps so, but if justice is to prevail, all of the facts – especially those which are required to be turned over to satisfy Due Process – must be made available to the Defense Team.  Due Process, after all, requires a rigid adherence to the law.  If failure to advise someone that he has the right to the presence of a lawyer is a violation of Due Process, then, surely, denial of access to all evidence is, likewise, a denial of Due Process.

And, as for confessions, are the valid if they are not sworn to, or if they come through third party writings?  Evidence, perhaps, but not sufficient to deny someone Due Process of Law.

Even Judge Matsch realized the severity of the problem of the missing documents when he berated the FBI for their failure to comply with his order.  But, then, Judge Matsch, just a few minutes later, denied a stay of execution to allow the Defense Team time to complete their review of the documents.

– – – – – – –

Timothy McVeigh acted as he did because he saw that government was incapable of conducting itself with principle and integrity.  He saw a government resorting to “brute force” in dealing with other nations of the world, as well as its own people.  He wanted to expose the actions of the government – to bring attention to the fact that it was no longer operating as was intended.  He was willing to die to reveal these truths – but the government continued to insist that it was operating properly, and was capable of acting within the laws.

As his execution date approached, the FBI, in true form, once again exposed itself as a bungling, incompetent investigative agency in its inability to keep track of its own records.  Final proof of the need to protect Americans from a government who has set itself has the almighty knower of all truths.

Unlike the government, Timothy McVeigh’s head IS “bloody but unbowed”!

But, today, Timothy McVeigh is dead.  And, now, it is time to pass the torch.

Will you receive it?

* * * * * * * * * * * * *

The other two articles in this series:

An Essay on Hypocrisy, by Tim McVeigh

What did Timothy McVeigh really say?


Does Anybody Really Know What Time It Is?

Does Anybody Really Know What Time It Is?

Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
September 2, 2013

There comes a time when we are past the point of words; only action will achieve the goal that we have set.  That goal is founded upon our belief in, and our determination to support, the Constitution — and, the peaceful transition of the office of President.  Now, we must consider what to do when that transfer appears to be the harbinger of the total destruction of the way of life to which we are accustomed.

Every four years, the people of this country elect a new Executive to wield the reins of government.  To date, the United States of America is the only country in the world in which the government was truly created by the authority of the people.  In so doing, they required that the Executive take the following oath: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.

All subordinate offices, which require an oath, are similar to the following: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: So help me God.

Interestingly, with the exception of the Executive, the oath includes, “I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.”  The stipulation “all enemies, foreign and domestic“, though omitted in the former, is included in all of the latter.

In a previous article (Sons of Liberty #14); the concept of self-government was discussed.  Part of that discussion dwelt upon the means by which governments are dissolved (dissolution).  First, they can be dissolved by force, by a conquering army, wherein they are absorbed within the government of the conqueror.

Second, they can be dissolved when an external force, not by outright conquest, instills a modified form of the existing government, albeit friendly to the external force, whereby through a slow transitional process, the existing government is modified to a new form.  (This, we impose upon countries under the guise of bringing them democracy.)

Thirdly, when an existing representative form of government is subverted by internal forces, such as: When the executive arbitrarily imposes his will on the elected representatives and the people; when the trust bestowed upon the legislative body is betrayed, by whatever means, whereby the ultimate authority is transferred from the people to arbitrary authority by the Legislative or the Executive, contrary to the document that brought the legislative body into existence; and, lastly, when the people become subject to the influence of a foreign power, thereby influencing the legislative body to pass laws inconsistent with the original foundation of the government.  It is of this last method of dissolution that we must concern ourselves.

Of these three forms of dissolution of government, we must concern ourselves with the third and its three basic elements.

Of the first, the Executive, we have seen in our history, a number of usurpations that don’t seem to be supported by the Constitution.  John Adams elicited legislative support for his Alien and Sedition Acts.  These Acts were to discourage dissent and criticism of the executive.  Of them, the Supreme Court overturned some; the remainder expired at the end of Adams’ term of office.  Later, Andrew Jackson refused to enforce laws enacted by the legislature.  During the Civil War, both Lincoln and the Congress enacted laws contrary to the Constitution.  All of these, however, pale when compared to recent usurpation of authority by the executive branch of government, resulting in their near dictatorial power, without regard to the Constitution, to which the executive oath was taken.

Of the next, the legislative, as discussed above, has been willing, under generally extraordinary circumstances, to enact laws contrary to the Constitution, has, recently, especially with the support of the judiciary, imposed upon the people of this country laws that are totally outside of any authority or power granted by the Constitution.  Beyond that, the judiciary has become legislative, and has broadened the interpretation of laws enacted by the legislature, and, by undermining the authority of the state governments to enact laws under their respective constitutions, provided us with, rather than interpretations of the Constitution, expansion of the authority of the federal government.

The consequences of the two above-mentioned usurpations has resulted in an electorate comprised of foreign interests, often illegally within this country, and often voting for those who promise them benefits and privileges that are greater than even those allowed to the people of this country.

The effect of the mis-administration of government according to the Constitution has resulted in a dissolution of government by the third method, which has been so subtle as to have been almost overlooked as it incrementally dissolved our freedoms.

Let’s look at some aspects of government, wherein we have seen the results of incrementalism and destruction of the foundations of our government.

Education:  In 1867, an “Office of Education” was established within the federal government.  Its purpose was to provide information and arrange for land grants to establish state colleges for agricultural and mechanical purposes.  Curriculum and all administrative matters were determined at the local level.  In 1953, a position was created and known as “Health, Education, and Welfare”.  At that time, curriculum and all administrative matters were determined at the local level, though in some cases subject to state intrusion.  Today, we have a dictatorial federal agency that mandates curriculum, testing, and social engineering, without regard to any more than token input from interested parties, leaving all decisions in the hands of a few select administrators.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Religion:  We have transformed the constitutional prohibition of government enacting any “law respecting an establishment of religion”, to an unconstitutional, and undesirable, “separation of church and state”, to the point that United States Supreme Court, with numerous engravings of the 10 Commandments or Moses on the edifices of that institution has summarily dictated that any representation of Christian belief cannot be demonstrated in, and in some cases even spoken of, in buildings owned by the public.  Meanwhile, atheism, through the same Court, has caused the forced removal of Christian symbols that have stood for decades, or longer, asserting that they are unconstitutional.  The tenets of Islam (Shariah Law) have, however, found standing in the lesser courts to justify actions that have been held as unlawful for centuries.  Likewise, they have allowed promotion of Islam in the same locations that they have denied the promotion of Christianity.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Police:  Even after World War II, police were courteous, helpful, protective, polite, and friendly, matching the phrase “to serve and to protect”.  Today, they serve search or arrest warrants, with no less than half a dozen militarily armed SWAT teams; breaking down doors, even if unlocked; shooting dogs and terrorizing the occupants; and, often at the wrong address.  The more they are equipped militarily, purportedly to provide officer protection, the more they are inclined to utilize force, even deadly force, in the conduct of their duties.  Their own personal safety has become paramount, with a total disregard for the safety of the public.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Criminal Justice:  “Hate crimes” have become the watchword in criminal justice.  If an act of violence is initiated by a white person (or even Hispanic), then the full force of justice will be imposed upon the perpetrator.  If, however, the act of violence is initiated by a black person on a white person, most often it will be asserted as a robbery, whether property was taken, or not.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Constitutional Justice:  Federal judges have, in numerous instances, determined that state constitutional amendments are unconstitutional, even though the amendments were enacted in accordance with state constitutions (Republican form of government) and are consistent with federal law (as in the federal definition of marriage, 1 U.S.C. § 7), or consistent with existing law and common sense (ruling barring Shariah law as a defense in Oklahoma).  These same federal courts have become the source of unlawful legislation to accomplish, by subjective means, social engineering, not authorized by the Constitution.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Debt:  They have imposed upon, not only us, but also our great grandchildren, a debt beyond comprehension.  The ability to pay down that debt is nonexistent, making it perpetual, though they continue to borrow and increase that debt, making us a destitute nation.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Welfare:  They have provided a smooth and easy path to dependency for those unwilling to fend for themselves.  With more people receiving food stamps, than there are working for a living, we can only wonder, should this trend continue, just who is providing for the food stamps.  The dependence upon government is at an historical high, and the continuation of this policy has no end in sight.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Immigration:  They have provided an open door, complete with financial incentive, to those who can find a better life, with less effort, by violating existing laws within this country.  This open door policy denigrates the very concept of what it means to be an “American”, which in times past, was the pursuit of those who entered this country abiding by the rules, with the intention of assimilation rather than invasion.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Veterans:  Young men are sent, by the government, to impose destruction and death upon perceived enemies of “our freedoms”.  Once returned, those who were willing to risk their lives “in defense of America” find that the same government that sent them on those dastardly deeds has now labeled them as enemies of the state.  Do we need to continue to pile incident upon incident to create a case?  Or has the time come for action?

Are those same veterans now willing to, once again, risk their lives for really protecting our freedom and liberty — from those who have used them and then tossed them aside?  Do they still have the courage and the desire to do what must be done?  Perhaps they need only look around and understand that the people, not the government, need their willingness, once again, to fight, and die, if necessary, to preserve those freedoms.

It has always, throughout history, primarily fallen to the young men of our nation, whether they have prior military service, or not, and those who support them, to preserve this “grand experiment” of self-government, the United States of America, or to abandon it to those who have corrupted that which was our birthright, and allow their children, their posterity, to submit to a slavery that they are becoming subject to, at this very moment.

There is no longer any need for “a line in the sand”, as it will surely be moved, once again, after we have allowed the incremental expansion of dictatorial government to remove even more of that which made us great.  It is now upon us — it is time to ACT.

“Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?  Forbid it, Almighty God!”

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775

Surrender is not an option, though if we continue to submit to the encroachments that are daily imposed upon us, it will surely be the result of our inaction.

Suggested reading:

Let’s Talk About the Constitution

The Constitution is NOT a Suicide Pact

Introduction to Committees of Safety

The Other (not so) Thin Line

A Simplified Explanation of “The Plan for the Restoration of Constitutional Government”

A Thought on Leadership

Independence Day 2013

Independence Day 2013


Gary Hunt
Outpost of Freedom
July 4, 2013 – Independence Day


This day has come to commemorate one of the greatest events in human history.  That event, the signing of the Declaration of Independence, pales in importance to what followed.

The road to independence began 10 years prior to that date when the colonists first began resisting the imposition of regulation and taxation by the British government.

The sincerity of the commitment of the colonists was demonstrated 15 months prior to that date, when colonists resisted British troops on April 19, 1775.

Then the colonies, acting on behalf of their citizens, formally declared separation from Great Britain, on July 4, 1776.

This, however, was just the beginning of this greatest event in human history.  It wasn’t until 11 years later, that representatives of the people of the various colonies came together, without political parties and only regional special interests, and, working with a clean slate, began to create the first, and only, government in the world that was truly created by the people, through their representatives, without the need for haste.

This absence of the necessity of haste makes this event unique.  Other countries, immediately after the throes of the revolution, must establish a government as quickly as possible.  In so doing, the powers that be, the influence of those who have led the use of force, have undue influence over what form of government that country will be bound by.

When we celebrate the 4th of July, we should keep in mind our obligation to continue that noble experiment, unique in the world, and commit ourselves to restoring that government to its proper relationship with the People.

By whatever means necessary, our goal was set 237 years ago, we must, for the sake of our posterity, obligate ourselves, and our lives, to that purpose.

Social and Political Superiority

Social and Political Superiority

Gary Hunt
August 15, 2011

The Founding Fathers, as we most often recognize them, were “gentlemen”.  They were men of leisure that had incomes to sustain that leisure, without effort on their part.  For the most part, they earned, in their earlier years, the status of gentlemen by establishing themselves as farmers, landowners or businessmen who had residual income, leaving them a great deal of time for social or political functions.  They seldom, if ever, received compensation for the efforts on behalf of the public.  Washington is, perhaps, the best known and recognized for this behavior by refusing to receive payment for service as either the Commander of the Continental Army, or, as the First Executive.  In both instances, he received only expenses related to the position.

They also maintained an indifference to political situations.  What this meant was that they were disinterested parties — they had no dog in the fight, so to speak.  They did not use their political influence for financial gain, and to do so would be a violation of the public trust that they had assumed.

Of course, there were exceptions. Two that never gained the status of gentleman were Thomas Paine and Samuel Adams.  One who was the only significant one to have been born a gentleman, though he used his influence for financial gain, was Aaron Burr.  Of these three, only Adams retains respect for his role in bringing about the new nation, the United States of America.

The Founders, when they wrote or spoke, directed their work to their peers — the other gentlemen.  They did sense that they had social and political superiority over the working class, and for decades, spoke of political philosophy only amongst themselves.

Much of what they said, especially the writings of Paine, brought to the common man the idea, that had not existed in England, that decisions could be made by them, as the common people — the body of the nation.

The secrecy of the Constitutional Convention, in Philadelphia, in 1787, was secretive so as to avoid outside influence, and, because these were gentlemen and their discussions were amongst themselves. However, the result of the Convention, especially when discussed in the state ratifying conventions, brought to light to those common people that they were able to participate in the selection, even from among themselves, of their representatives. The time of the gentlemen looking down their noses at the common people was expired, and, it was expired as a result of the actions of those gentlemen.

From that point on, the ability of those elected and appointed representatives of the people to influence legislation that would provide them financial gain, has continued to grow.  While the concept of social and political superiority had been substantially abolished, until recently.

Over the past few decades, we have not only seen the extremes of legislation to provide financial gain to the office holders, and, of course, their supporters, but have also seen an air of social and political superiority return, more manifest than ever, then in the days of the Founders.

If we return to the late thirties and early forties, the participation of the United States in World War II was not going to happen.  Public sympathy and the idea that it was not our war, held the government back from open participation, until the events of December 7, 1941, when Japan attack Pearl Harbor.

More recently, however, the public is lead, by false claims, false flag waving, and any other means conceivable, to assure our willingness to let the decision be made in Washington, by those who act as our social and political superiors.

WE can look to the early nineties and the discussions about NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), where the “superiors” had decided that the Trade agreement must be adopted. Their underlings, those who aspired to join the elite as social and political superiors, took hold of the discussion and directed it toward which provisions were good, and which were bad, without regard to the whole concept of such a Free Trade Agreement.  We now understand that it was not the provisions, rather, the concept, that was flawed.

More recently, we have what is commonly referred to as ‘Obamacare’.  The discussions were directed, by the wannabes, to the discussing of the merit of the provisions, rather than the concept itself.  After all, both parties had, for years, attempted to foist national healthcare on us, and, as our social and political “superiors”, they knew what we wanted, and, finally, convinced us that we should participate in the discussion and accept the outcome.  Of course, those who would like to prove themselves as social and political “superiors” were the men (and women) on the ground who encouraged us to play along and accept what the elite had decided was best for us.

Just a couple of weeks ago, though the majority strongly held out against a debt ceiling increase (a near annual occurrence, though only recently brought to light), the social and political superiors, and their minions, have brought us perpetual, self-sustaining, debt.  Only, this time, they and their minions could not convert us to acceptance of their policy, without consideration of the people and their posterity, and, it appears, to most of the financial world, that their concept of philanthropy was destructive to the entire world.  It appears that in their arrogance, they have failed to even consider the consequences of their folly, so they remain in Washington, knowing that they were right, and wondering why the entire world cannot see things as they do.

Now, I don’t want to say that financial gain is all that they pursue, though when we consider the makeup of the country and the Congress, we find only 1% of the population is millionaires while 47% of the Congress is millionaires.

It does appear that we have returned to that age of gentlemen (and gentlewomen) being those who have social and political superiority make the decisions, yet the concept that deriving personal gain is unethical, is lost to history.  Absent prohibition of the latter, there are no practical constraints on the former.  There are no longer disinterested parties who will make rational decisions.  The decisions of the current government are made by those very interested in the outcome — and what they and their friends might derive therefrom.


Committees of Safety and the General Association

Committees of Safety and the General Association

The Committees of safety were best described as an Executive Committee, perhaps equivalent to a mayor, county board, or governor.  In Agnes Hunt’s book, “The Provincial Committees of Safety of the American Revolution“, she explains the colony level Committee of Safety as an Executive Board that often shared that responsibility with the governor, if the governor had taken the colonist’s side of the dispute with Great Britain.

Though no “instruction manual” has been found, various writings about the Committees, and records left by them, provide a pattern that can be reestablished, at least to the extent that the Committees operated, in some locations.  It is probably safe to assume, also, that other locations operated in a similar fashion.

What has come to light is that a community had a General Association, to which each family who chose to subscribe was subscribed by the signature of the head of the family.  In some instances, if the head of the family was a Tory, or had questionable allegiance, another male in the family would subscribe to the General Association.  It also appears that the term, Committee of Safety, applied to both the General Association and the executive board known as the Committee of Safety.  Tories were excluded from participation, however, once hostilities broke out, they, along with everyone else in the community, was assumed to be under the jurisdiction of the Committee of Safety (a de fact subscriber).  This would subject them to judicial control of the Committee, which, in the case of Tories.  Might result in “house-arrest, taking of long arms, or even imprisonment, unless and until an oath was taken to the cause of the colony.

From the General Association, members were elected to serve on the Committee, as representatives of the entire Association.  In Albany, New York, where a count can be made, approximately 10% of the General Association (by family, not total census) served on the Committee of Safety, at any given time.

There was frequent turnover within the Committee.  Chairmen appeared to serve for six months, and names change, in the composition of the Committee, fairly often, though some members served the entire period from 1775 to 1781.

Prior to the outbreak of hostilities.  Most General Associations, and their respective Committees of Safety, existed only to fill in where the British government failed to provide necessary services.  Often the Association and Committee were described as the “town meeting”, which was an authority granted under the Royal Charter, converted to strictly General Associations and Committees of Safety, as the disagreement between colonists and British Rule devolved into conflict (See The End of the Revolution and the Beginning of Independence).

By April 12, 1775, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress requested that all communities within Massachusetts form Committees of Safety (See document at  After the outbreak of hostilities, just a week later, every colony put out similar requests for the creation of Committees.

Much of the record of evidence demonstrates another aspect of Committees.  Committees were formed in communities.  Within a County, those communities would form a County Committee of Safety, and, though, much independence of action by the local Committees was retained, they subordinated to the County Committee of Safety, as a senior body.  Similarly, the Provincial Committees (as par Agnes Hunt, above) subordinated to the State Committee of Safety, though they, too, retained independence in many areas.  The ascending levels of authority appear to be only to the extent necessary to achieve cooperation and coordination of efforts.

The extent of the “legislative authority” of the Committees, at all levels, seems to be limited with enacting laws to deal with Tories (those inimical to the cause of American Liberty”) and establishing requirements for service in their respective militia units.


For more information about Committees of Safety, go to